5. SR in Ad-subordinate (Adverbial) Clauses
In addition to functioning as direct daughters, subordinate clauses ending in case suffixes may also function as sentence adverbials (ad-subordinate clauses).
Such case endings have a strong tendency to be used with particular meanings. Tserenpil & Kullmann place them along with a ragbag group of collocations in a category called "Subordinating Conjunctions".
Janhunen (2012) more systematically classes them as 'quasiconverbs', analogous to converbs proper (see below), with the functions given in the following table:
VERBAL NOUN | CASE | +REFL | Function | ||
(1) | Futuritive | DAT | -x-ad4 | -x-ad4-aa4 | Temporal |
(2) | Habititive | -dag4-t | -dag4-t-aa4 | ||
(3) | Perfective | -san4-d | -san4-d-aa4 | ||
(4) | Imperfective | *-aad4 | *-aad4-aa4 | ||
(5) | Futuritive | ABL | -x-aas4 | -x-aas4-aa4 | Causal |
(6) | Habititive | -dag4-aas4 | -dag4-aas4-aa4 | ||
(7) | Perfective | -san4-aas4 | -san4-aas4-aa4 | ||
(8) | Imperfective | -aa4-gaas4 | -aa4-gaas4-aa4 | ||
(9) | Futuritive | INSTR | -x-aar4 | -x-aar4-aa4 | Modal |
(10) | Habititive | -dag4-aar4 | -dag4-aa4r-aa4 | ||
(11) | Perfective | -san4-aar4 | -san4-aar4-aa4 | ||
(12) | Imperfective | -aa4-gaar4 | -aa4-gaa4-raa4 |
᠊ᠬᠤ ᠳᠤ᠂
᠊ᠬᠦ ᠳᠤ
᠊ᠬᠤ ᠳᠤ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠬᠦ ᠳᠤ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠳᠠᠭ ᠳᠤ᠂
᠊ᠳᠡᠭ ᠳᠤ
᠊ᠳᠠᠭ ᠳᠤ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠳᠡᠭ ᠳᠤ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠰᠠᠨ ᠳᠤ᠂
᠊ᠰᠡᠨ ᠳᠤ
᠊ᠰᠠᠨ ᠳᠤ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠰᠡᠨ ᠳᠤ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
*᠊ᠭᠠ ᠳᠤ
*᠊ᠭᠡ ᠳᠤ
*᠊ᠭᠠ ᠳᠤ ᠪᠠᠨ᠂
*᠊ᠭᠡ ᠳᠤ ᠪᠡᠨ
᠊ᠬᠤ ᠡᠴᠡ᠂
᠊ᠬᠦ ᠡᠴᠡ
᠊ᠬᠤ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠬᠦ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠳᠠᠭ ᠡᠴᠡ᠂
᠊ᠳᠡᠭ ᠡᠴᠡ
᠊ᠳᠠᠭ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠳᠡᠭ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠰᠠᠨ ᠡᠴᠡ᠂
᠊ᠰᠡᠨ ᠡᠴᠡ
᠊ᠰᠠᠨ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠰᠡᠨ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠭᠠ ᠡᠴᠡ
᠊ᠭᠡ ᠡᠴᠡ
᠊ᠭᠠ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠪᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠭᠡ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠬᠤ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ᠂
᠊ᠬᠦ ᠵᠢᠡᠷ
᠊ᠬᠤ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠬᠦ ᠵᠢᠡᠷ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠳᠠᠭ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ᠂
᠊ᠳᠡᠭ ᠵᠢᠡᠷ
᠊ᠳᠠᠭ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠳᠡᠭ ᠵᠢᠡᠷ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠰᠠᠨ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ᠂
᠊ᠰᠡᠨ ᠵᠢᠡᠷ
᠊ᠰᠠᠨ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠰᠡᠨ ᠵᠢᠡᠷ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
᠊ᠭᠠ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ
᠊ᠭᠡ ᠵᠢᠡᠷ
᠊ᠭᠠ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ ᠪᠠᠨ᠂
᠊ᠭᠡ ᠵᠢᠡᠷ ᠵᠢᠡᠨ
Janhunen notes that it is not possible to treat -aad4 as a converb of time since it has the same form as -aad4, which is a coordinating converb ☟. By implication -aadaa is also not possible since coordinating converbs do not take the reflexive suffix.
᠊ᠭᠠᠳ᠂
᠊ᠭᠡᠳ
5.1. Verbal noun + Dative-locative
5.1.1 Temporal sense
Of the 'quasiconverbs', by far the commonest is the Dative-locative, particularly the form -xad4/-xdaa4 (Futuritive + Dative-locative), which is commonly used in situations where English would use 'when'.
In the following example, the subject of the subordinate clause (bid ‘we’) differs from that of the main clause (aav ‘father’). As a consequence, there is no reflexive suffix on the Dative-locative ending. (The Accusative ending on bid ‘we’ is due to differential subject marking and also indicates 'different subject'.)
〖Bidn-ijg xool-oo ide-x ge-ž baj-x-ad〗, aav ir-lee. ⇪
〖1pl.ACC meal.REFL eat.FUT that be.FUT.DAT〗 father come.PST
〖When we were just about to eat〗, father came.
ᠪᠢᠳᠡ ᠪᠠᠭᠰᠢ ᠪᠠᠷ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ
ᠡᠭᠦᠨ ᠢ ᠵᠢᠭᠠᠯᠭᠠᠭᠰᠠᠨ᠃
Биднийг хоолоо идэх гэж байхад, аав ирлээ.
In the following sentence, the reflexive indicates that the subject of the main clause and that of the subordinate clause are identical. The subject is thus not expressed in the subordinate clause.
Bi 〖ojuutan baj-x-d-aa〗 exner-tei-gee tani-lc-san. ⇪
1sg 〖student be.VN.DAT.REFL〗 wife.COM.REFL know.MUT.PST
When 〖I was a student〗 I got to know my wife.
ᠪᠠᠢᠬᠤ ᠳᠦ ᠪᠠᠨ〗
ᠡᠬᠨᠡᠷ ᠲᠡᠢ ᠪᠡᠨ
ᠲᠠᠨᠢᠯᠴᠠᠭᠰᠠᠨ᠃
Би 〖оюутан байхдаа〗 эхнэртэйгээ танилцсан.
In the next example, the subject of the subordinate clause is a person, and is different from that of the main clause (tenger 'sky'); hence the use of the possessive particle n' in the subordinate clause.
〖outside come-out.FUT.DAT 3POSS〗 sky polished mirror like clear, morning.GEN red blizzard.GEN trace also NEG become.PST be.PST
〖When (he) came out〗, the sky was clear like a polished mirror and there was not trace of the red blizzard of the morning.
ᠭᠠᠳᠠᠭᠠ ᠭᠠᠷᠬᠤ ᠳᠤ ᠨᠢ ᠲᠡᠩᠷᠢ
ᠠᠷᠴᠢᠭᠰᠠᠨᠲᠣᠯᠢ ᠰᠢᠭ ᠲᠤᠩᠭᠠᠯᠠᠭ᠂
ᠥᠷᠯᠦᠭᠡ ᠶᠢᠨ ᠤᠯᠠᠭᠠᠨ ᠬᠠᠪᠰᠠᠷᠭᠠᠨ ᠦ
ᠤᠯᠠ ᠮᠥᠷ ᠴᠤ ᠦᠭᠡᠢ ᠪᠣᠯᠤᠭᠰᠠᠨ ᠪᠠᠢᠪᠠ᠃
Гадаа гарахад нь тэнгэр арчсан толь шиг тунгалаг, өглөөний улаан хавсарганы ул мөр ч үгүй болсон байв.
5.1.2. Other uses of Verbal Noun + Dative-locative
The classification of Dative-locative forms as 'quasiconverbs' of time fails to capture their full range of uses. This is covered at an earlier post on subordinate Dative/locative clauses.
5.1.2.1. 'Hard/easy to', 'good/bad at', 'good/bad for'
One usage concerns the concept of difficulty of, adeptness at, or suitability for a certain activity. The following example is a saying. As a set piece not referring to any particular person, it does not use the reflexive.
Easy 〖to say〗, hard 〖to do〗 (Easier said than done).
ᠬᠡᠯᠡᠬᠦ ᠳᠦ ᠠᠮᠠᠷ᠂
ᠬᠢᠬᠦ ᠳᠦ ᠬᠡᠴᠡᠭᠦᠦ᠃
Хэлэхэд амар, хийхэд хэцүү.
The reflexive can occur when the subject of the subordinate clause is the same as that of the main clause.
brother.his 〖kneaded-dough, fried-dough make.FUT.DAT.REFL〗 adept
His elder brother is good 〖at making kneaded and fried dough〗.
ᠠᠬᠠ ᠨᠢ ᠪᠠᠯᠢᠩ᠂ ᠱᠠᠯᠰᠠᠢ
ᠬᠢᠬᠦ ᠳᠦ ᠪᠠᠨ ᠭᠠᠷ ᠦᠨ ᠳᠦᠢᠲᠡᠢ᠃
Ах нь балин, шалсай хийхдээ гарын дүйтэй.
5.1.2.2. Causation
The past tense + Dative-locative can be used in the sense of causation.
This is common in set expressions of gratitude, which by definition involve a different subject.
〖meeting.DAT.REFL time.DAT.REFL come.PST.DAT〗 thank-you
Thank you 〖for coming to the meeting on time〗
ᠬᠤᠷᠠᠯᠳᠤᠭᠠᠨ ᠳᠦ ᠪᠠᠨ
ᠴᠠᠭ ᠲᠤ ᠪᠠᠨ ᠢᠷᠡᠭᠰᠡᠨ ᠳᠦ
ᠪᠠᠶᠠᠷᠯᠠᠯᠤᠭᠠ᠃
Хуралдаандаа цагтаа ирсэнд баярлалаа.
This format probably derives from the fact that the verb bayarlax 'be happy (at)' requires the dative. (Tan-y is Genitive as the subject of a subordinate clause ending in a verbal noun.)
We are very pleased 〖that you came〗.
ᠲᠠᠨ ᠦ ᠢᠷᠡᠡᠭᠰᠡᠨ ᠳᠦ
ᠪᠢᠳᠡ ᠶᠡᠬᠡ ᠪᠠᠶᠠᠷᠯᠠᠵᠤ ᠪᠠᠢᠨᠠ᠃
Tаны ирсэнд бид их баярлаж байна.
A similar example involves the expression -sandaa4 bolood, a fixed expression for 'due to one's actions', often found in ajsandaa bolood 'out of fear'. In this expression it always occurs with the reflexive because the sense is 'out of one's own fear'. Bolox means 'to become'.
He/she cried 〖out of his.her fearing〗.
ᠲᠡᠷᠡ ᠠᠶᠤᠭᠰᠠᠨ ᠳᠦ ᠪᠠᠨ
ᠪᠣᠯᠤᠭᠠᠳ ᠤᠬᠢᠯᠠᠴᠢᠬᠠᠭᠰᠠᠨ᠃
Тэр айсандаа болоод уйлчихсан
᠊ᠰᠠᠨ ᠳᠦ ᠪᠠᠨ ᠪᠣᠯᠤᠭᠠᠳ᠃
-сандаа / -сэндээ / -сондоо / -сөндөө болоод
While Janhunen notes that -aad4 is not possible as a converb of time, this restriction does not apply where it indicates a cause, as seen in the following sentence:
Seržamc 〖 leading person.COM get-to-know.CNV be.ANT.DAT.REFL〗 self.INST.REFL be-proud.SIMUL be.PST
Serjamts was proud of himself 〖for getting to a know a famous person〗.
ᠰᠡᠷᠵᠠᠮᠰ ᠤᠳᠤᠷᠢᠳᠤᠭᠴᠢ ᠬᠦᠮᠦᠨ ᠲᠡᠢ
ᠲᠠᠨᠢᠯᠴᠠᠵᠤ ᠪᠠᠢᠭᠠ ᠳᠦ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ
ᠥᠭᠡᠷᠡ ᠪᠡᠷ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ ᠪᠠᠬᠠᠷᠬᠠᠵᠤ ᠪᠠᠢᠪᠠ᠃
Сэржамц удирдагч хүнтэй танилцаж байгаадаа өөрөөрөө бахархаж байв.
5.2. Verbal Noun + Ablative
The Ablative is used to indicate cause, although less systematically than the use of the Dative-locative to indicate time. It is often found with the verb bajx 'to be'.
〖organisation.GEN internal control lax be.PROG.ABL〗many person.GEN life lose.SIMUL be.PRS
Many people's lives were lost 〖because control within the organisation is lax〗.
ᠪᠠᠢᠭᠤᠯᠤᠯᠭᠠ ᠦᠨ ᠳᠣᠲᠤᠭᠠᠳᠤ ᠬᠢᠨᠠᠯᠲᠠ
ᠰᠤᠯᠠ ᠪᠠᠢᠭᠠ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠣᠯᠠᠨ ᠬᠦᠮᠦᠨ ᠦ ᠠᠮᠢ
ᠡᠷᠦᠰᠳᠡᠵᠦ ᠪᠠᠢᠨᠠ᠃
Байгууллагын дотоод хяналт сул байгаагаас олон хүний амь эрсдэж байна.
However, the reflexive form bajgaas-aa is far more likely to be used in a comparative construction.
2sg 〖believe.SIMUL be.ABL.REFL〗 more courageous, 〖think.PASS.SIMUL be.ABL.REFL〗 more powerful, 〖think.SIMUL be.ABLREFL〗 more intelligent.
You are more courageous than you believe, more powerful than you imagine, more intelligent than you think.
ᠴᠢ ᠢᠲᠡᠭᠡᠵᠦ ᠪᠠᠢᠭᠠ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠪᠡᠨ ᠢᠯᠡᠭᠦᠦ ᠵᠣᠷᠢᠭᠲᠠᠢ᠂
ᠰᠠᠨᠠᠭᠳᠠᠵᠤ ᠪᠠᠢᠭᠠ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠪᠡᠨ ᠢᠯᠡᠭᠦᠦ ᠬᠦᠴᠦᠲᠡᠢ᠂
ᠪᠣᠳᠤᠵᠤ ᠪᠠᠢᠭᠠ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠪᠡᠨ ᠢᠯᠡᠭᠦᠦ ᠤᠬᠠᠭᠠᠯᠢᠭ᠃
Чи итгэж байгаагаасаа илүү зоригтой, санагдаж байгаагаасаа илүү хүчтэй, бодож байгаагаасаа илүү ухаалаг.
More common is the use of the Ablative in the expression aj-sn-aa-saa bol-ž 'out of (one's) fear'. The following example has no explicit subject in either main or subordinate clause but refers to the same entity:
〖fear.PST.ABL.REF〗 property.NEG, rights.NEG be.CONT be.FUT Q.
Are (you) without property or rights 〖out of fear〗?
ᠠᠶᠤᠭᠰᠠᠨ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠪᠠᠨ ᠪᠣᠯᠵᠤ ᠡᠳ᠋ ᠬᠥᠷᠦᠩᠭᠡ
ᠦᠭᠡᠢ᠂ ᠡᠷᠬᠡ ᠮᠡᠳᠡᠯ ᠦᠭᠡᠢ ᠪᠠᠢᠭᠰᠠᠭᠠᠷ
ᠪᠠᠢᠬᠤ ᠤᠤ᠃
Айснаасаа болж эд хөрөнгөгүй, эрх мэдэлгүй байсаар байх уу.
5.3 Verbal Noun + Instrumental
This construction is used in the meaning 'by way of'. The following is an example using the reflexive. There is no explicit subject in either clause, but the implication is that the person looking after handicapped citizens is the one seeking some kind of benefit from the government.
〖development.GEN difficulty.COM citizen care.SIMUL be.PROG.INST.REFL〗 government.ABL what-kind one money.GEN benefit get.FUT Q?
Can (one) receive some cash benefits from government 〖by way of caring for the disabled〗?
ᠬᠥᠭᠵᠢᠯ ᠦᠨ ᠪᠡᠷᠬᠡᠰᠢᠶᠡᠯ ᠲᠡᠢ ᠢᠷᠭᠡᠨ
ᠠᠰᠠᠷᠠᠵᠤ ᠪᠠᠢᠭᠠ ᠵᠢᠠᠷ ᠵᠢᠠᠨ
ᠲᠥᠷᠥ ᠡᠴᠡ ᠶᠠᠮᠠᠷ ᠨᠢᠭᠡᠨ ᠮᠥᠩᠭᠦᠨ
ᠲᠡᠳᠬᠦᠮᠵᠢ ᠠᠪᠬᠤ ᠤᠤ?
Хөгжлийн бэрхшээлтэй иргэн асарч байгаагаараа төрөөс ямар нэгэн мөнгөн тэтгэмж авах уу?
2. Outline of Switch-Reference in Mongolian
3. Possessive Forms in Mongolian; their role in SR
- 4.1. Verb Forms that take Case Endings
4.2. Daughter clauses
4.3. Other Predicate Forms
4.4. Gedeg (Complementiser)
5. SR in Ad-subordinate (Adverbial) Clauses
- 5.1. Verbal noun + Dative-locative
5.2. Verbal Noun + Ablative
5.3. Verbal Noun + Instrumental
6. Ad-subordinate Clauses with Postpositions
- 6.1. The reflexive attaches directly to the postposition
6.2 The reflexive suffix attaches to the verb form preceding the postposition
7. Verbs that Block the Reflexive Suffix
10. The Subject in Subordinate Clauses
- 10.1.1. Same subject
10.1.2. Different subject (differential subject marking)
10.2. Interpreting the Subject